(Editors’ note: This article is published as a response to Alemayehu Weldemariam’s Ethiopia Observer commentary headlined Ethiopia’s Charismatic Leader: Riding the Wave of Populism or Reforming Ethnic Federalism? The original version of this response was published on the author’s Facebook page)
There are some areas that I agree with in Alemayehu’s commentary, but on balance I found it to be a biased narrative that aims to discredit Prime Minister Abiy at best, or a systemic effort to sow fear and set the stage for political confrontation.
Let me start with areas where I broadly agree with the author in principle. He raises a widely aired concern that the PM faces daunting challenges when he translates his high-minded speeches into practical reality.
He also raises the Badme issue and the need to engage TPLF as the representative of the People of Tigray. He rightly notes that within the current constitutional framework, the issue can be contentious, both legally and politically. “After all,” he says, “the border is shared between Eritrea and Tigray region, a member of a multinational federation with constitutional rights to self-determination” and “a de jure right to secession.”
I have raised the same issues in different blogs. Therefore, I will not dwell on those points here. Let me address the areas where we disagree on substance.
From the outset, I cannot help it but notice that the article is written rather craftily. I say craftily for two reasons. First, to give his readers a sense of an objective and balanced analysis, in a section sub-titled “Impressive Scorecard”, the author praises the Prime Minister. He lists the PM’s vast array of accomplishments, in his 100 days in office.
Under the same sub-title, he takes it back partially, stating “it should be noted that not all of these initiatives are novel, as some are carried over from his predecessor, Hailemariam Desalegn. Going by his word and deed, Abiy seems to have high political ambitions. He appears to be hellbent on radically reforming the federal system.”
He goes further, asserting “Such reform is fraught with peril and Abiy needs to be cognizant of the risks.”
In sum, in the traditional Ethiopian doubletalk sort of way, he lavishly praises the Prime Minister at a superficial level to prop him up for a hard knockdown.
In a statement that reeks of unvarnished condescension, he suggests the Prime Minister lacks readiness to analyze “Ethiopia’s macroeconomy and the international political economy” or articulate “Ethiopia’s foreign affairs priorities.” He concludes: “Alas, he does not seem as prepared for those critical tasks as was his political hero, Meles Zenawi.”
Therefore, he tells us that he felt obliged to write the article with the aim of “mitigating the risks of passing off showmanship as statesmanship.”
The second reason I said the article is crafty is because the author makes his case by re-framing the issues in contention in ways that serves his narrative rather than addressing them head on.
In this regard, he presents the current situation as an “outcome of an opportunistic populist jockeying for power on a democratizing platform.” Further, he presents PM Abiy’s ascension to power as “largely accidental.”
On a superficial level, this suggests the PM is merely a product of historical accident, unprepared and untested, if not unfit, to hold the premierships. At a fundamental level, it raises the question of legitimacy. Power attained by accident does not have the same level of legitimacy as one that is achieved through a legitimate transition process.
Interestingly, or rather ironically, he gives credit to “Lemma’s selfless strategic move” to put Abiy on the ballot for election. He also notes “Demeke Mekonnen’s last-minute withdrawal from the EPRDF chairperson election” was instrumental for PM Abiy’s rise to the helm of the body politics of Ethiopia’s governance architecture.
Facts are stubborn SOBs. They are not amenable to our wishes, no matter how strong the dictates of our passions and crafty our pens may be.
Here are events as I see them. PM Abiy’s ascension to power was by a strategic design. It also followed EPRDF’s established rule of the game.
The current Ethiopian political reality can be encapsulated in three simple sentences. OPDO, ANDM, and SEPDM were born out of surrogacy arrangement with TPLF. They were then adopted and finally abducted by TPLF. When they grew up, they revolted and to power they ascended. በቃ! (Enough!)
The process started when Qerro and Fano took the Oromo and Amhara political landscape by storm and Ginbot-7 raised arms.
In violation of TPLF’s political script, Lemma went to Amhara tribal land and announced in public ኢትዮጵያዊነት ሱስ ነው. “Ethiopiawinet is addiction.” This was superbly strategic. In one pregnant statement, he shifted the nationalist political gear from retreat to sprint.
An Oromo rose to lead. The Amhara heartbeat went from rhythmic to euphoric. Demeke Mekonnen’s voluntary withdrawal from contention to the premiership was neither an afterthought nor accidental. It was a strategic move to bury TPLF’s brand of tribal politics.
Demeke and his party knew that the only chance for a national movement towards democracy at this juncture was with OPDO at the helm. They also knew that with Abiy in the driver’s seat the reform will be in good hands.
What OPDO and ANDM pulled is a full-blown and well-orchestrated strategy to free themselves and Ethiopia from the clutches of TPLF. Since then, SEPDM’s concern about OPDM has dissipated, allowing it to embrace PM Abiy’s leadership with euphoric enthusiasm.
God is Almighty. And the Almighty is Mighty Great! For the love of God, give me a Hallelujah.
Playing the Rwanda Card?
Alemayehu suggests that: “Never before has Ethiopia gotten anywhere near disintegration as quietly as it is now during this spell dominated by the PM’s mesmerizing rhetoric of unity.” The message is that PM Abiy has put Ethiopia at the verge of Rwanda like genocide.
He asserts “with some certainty” that had “the grenade attack at the pro-Abiy rally at Mesqel Square” killed the Prime Minister “it would have put Ethiopia in the fast lane to 1991 Rwanda.”
He attempts to give credence to his narrative by calling Max Scheler’s “resentment,” Nietzsche’s “historicism”, and Hegel’s problem of “the slaughter-bench of history” as alibi.
“We Ethiopians,” he said, “indulge excessively in ‘resentment’, ‘historicism”’ and counting the number of people of one’s ethnic group killed on the ‘slaughter-bench of history’… The logic of the politics of hatred in Ethiopia is such that ‘resentment’ and ‘historicism’ feed each other, resulting in a vicious cycle of social conflict.”
Are we supposed to assume those massed souls dancing and hugging at the Addis Rally were from the same tribe or their euphoric dancing and hugging were signs of resentment against each other?
As if the Rwanda scare is not enough, Alemayehu takes us through USSR’s reform that led to its disintegration on Gorbachev’s watch that would later lend itself to Putin’s dictatorship. Alemayehu’s worry is that “Disintegration, rather than dictatorship, is the greater peril of Abiy’s agenda.”
Unbeknown to us, we Ethiopians have put ourselves at the risk of genocide and total disintegration by rejecting TPLF’s brand of tribal politics and allowing ourselves to be gullible victims of PM Abiy’s “mesmerizing rhetoric of unity.”
Anyone who knows anything about the USSR, social, political, economic and international conditions that brought about its disintegration would not see any parallel between PM Abiy’s and former President Gorbachev’s reforms. Not even a hint of similarity.
And the Rout to Escape Rwanda-like Genocide and USSR-type Disintegration Is?
Referring to PM Abiy’s reform, Alemayehu writes “Such reform is fraught with peril and Abiy needs to be cognizant of the risks. The reform conundrum facing federations is how to democratize without risking disintegration. If you set out on that treacherous course by attacking the EPRDF, the elephant that carries the federation on its back, you risk disintegration.”
Let us unpack the statement about “attacking the EPRDF.” EPRDF consists of four parties, supposedly each with 45 seats. They are OPDO, currently holding the chairmanship, as well as ANDM, SEPDM and TPLF.
OPDO, ANDM and SEPDM are enthusiastic supporters of the reform. The only party that is not happy is TPLF. Indeed, Abiy notes TPLF “seems to be still wondering whether Abiy is doing EPRDF’s bidding, or his ego’s.” Here also it is hard to avoid the conclusion that both Alemayeh and TPLF are equating EPRDF to TPLF.
We the people of Ethiopia must legalize our abduction by TPLF, lest we face our perils. This is the essence of the message. Otherwise, the narrative makes no sense.
In Conclusion
As I have written in several blogs, I believe, despite TPLF’s and its supporters’ hard-ball politics, PM Abiy and his administration must take proactive steps to encourage TPLF to join the reform, without compromising on the substance of the reform.
TPLF, of course, has 45 votes. It also has the opportunity and the right to convince other party members that the current reform is dangerous and PM Abiy must be removed. This can only be done through persuasion and compromise, not by grandstanding and taking the people of Ethiopia in general and the people of Tigray in particular as bargaining chips.
Follow Koki on Twitter @KAbesolome
(Main image: Supporters of Ethiopia Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed attend a rally on Meskel Square in Addis Ababa. Yonas Tadesse/AFP)
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It sufficed to say “The Rwanda (Green) Card” is a master piece demolition by Koki Abselome, who uncannily understand TPLF’s disease and its weak mind. I read also with tepid interest the current political analysis in the form of PR style by a Tigryan scholar Dr. Alemayehu F. Weldmariam. Succinctly put, I don’t find his convoluted piece strange at all. The same thing is iterated all along by Alem Habtu, Gebru Tarakegne, Gelwadios Araia, Tecola Work Hagos, Ambassador Samuel Assefa, Dr. Tekeda Alemu, Dr. Berahanue Nega, the honorable Andreas Eshete for decades. Once again, thank you Ethiopia Observer for giving me this splendid opportunity to speak my mind.
With due consideration,
Paulos, why go into the mud? Whether Alemayehu is a Tigrayan or an Oromo or a secret agent of the Eprdf or a counter Abiy man…why not deconstruct his opinions at face value? What purpose does naming him as a Tigrayan serve? Or are you assuming that all Tigrayans hold the same opinion like saying all cats Meow. Actually we humans think all cats meow. But they dont. Cats have a plethora of voices and intonations but we assume they all meow. All is perception and it important to recognize this point in order to have meaningful criticism.
Mel is the Anglicized name for the late Meles Zenawi if it is incorrect, plausibly, Mr. Mel Gibson! By the way,your reading of my comment has a bizarre flaw. If you are one of the few people who cannot read plain English without assistance, it is understandable. But the serious charge emanated from you that I am roiling the “mud”-is absurd. In deeds as in words, I attack him substantially for the political position he has taken on behalf of TPLF. I am afraid in this you are also depriving me the sovereignty of my mind. I know it only too well that Tigryans have the hung up to label Abbay (Big) Ethiopians by their ethnicity from time immemorial. These are simple facts of the case that the Tplf’s mind is undiscerning. Aside from that, the conceptual backbone of the Tigryean ‘scholar” Dr. Alemayehu F. Weldgeorgis’ crude analysis of the current situation reveal his abysmal ignorance. Like so many Ethiopians, I find it disgusting particularly his jaundiced assessment of the beloved PM Dr. Abiy Ahmed, while attempting egregiously to whitewash the crucial roles played under various circumstances and various degrees by Woyannies to destroy the traditions and cultures of the people since May 1991. I have to remind Obbo Mel. no psychotic rant can stop the political crisis that is taking place allover Ethiopia. Maybe it is time to say adieu to releatioship once and for all.
Paulos…All this aggression. What’s the value in this? You have said nothing except hurl insults in a rather fancy way. Expressions like “bizarre flaw”, “cannot read plain English without assistance”, “Crude analysis”, “jaundiced assessment”, “psychotic rant”….what is the purpose. It is clear you can coin words very nicely. Good for you. But how about leaving the fancy insults aside and presenting real analysis…for the benefit of all? For all of us. ..before we speak it is important to ask, especially at this crucial time in the history of Ethiopia…is what I am saying useful? Does it have the right intention? Does it belittle others? Does it further dialogue?
Call me, Brother Prickly Pears. I don’t waste usually my internet perusing time reading rebarbative jargons by gushing proponents hard core Woyannies. That is too stodgy, flabby, most significant of all ,disingenuous for the vast majority of Ethiopians.It is risible now that for someone, who is hurling insults and invectives towards non-Tigreans for decades , now all of a sudden turn too thin-skinned towards criticism, and ask adversaries for magnanimity. To any well-informed Ethiopians, Woyannies are notorious for victimizing non-Tigryans, while boisterously claiming the entitlement of “victimhood”. What does this tells us about Mel something we don’t know? The TPLF like the Church in Goethe’s Faust swallowed whole Federal States and the question of indigestion has never been raised until new era ushered by Dr. Abi Ahmed. That sums up the concrete objective reality of the current situation in Ethiopia
A master piece
How about a little more charity in the way we interpret Alemayehu’s article? Alemayehu’s asserting that the coming of the PM is by accident, was not to point how haphazardly and how without merit the PM came to power. Rather, he was poiting to the fluidity and uncertainties that govern Ethiopia politics. Who would have thought that 5 months ago, a member of the eprdf would come with such sweeping reforms? Things that are hard for our simple minds to fathom, if we are religiously inclined, we refer to them as “miracles”. If we are not religiously inclined. ..we refer to them discreetly as accidents. Whether we refer to them as miracles or accidents does not take away from the sheer awesomeness of the act, nor does it belittle them as Koki interprets.
Koki..read Alemayehu’s article with a bit more charity and precision. He did not write “We Ethiopians indulge excessively in ‘resentment’, ‘historicism”’ . Alemayehu is quoting M. Scheller and his concept of “ressentiment” which is hardly resentment. Your misquoting is like assuming the apple tree refers to an apple. It is okay to have missed his point…but (y)our joyful hallelujah needs to be be less quick to jump and a bit more charitable.
Koki’s analysis is very comprehensive. You are taking one line out of context and try to put her article in a negative light. Why not either Alemayehu or you respond to her comprehensively? That will enrich the the conversation and help us understand your position.
Mel’s Comment above is less than convincing. Here is Koki’s quote taken verbatim from Alemayehu’s article.
“We Ethiopians indulge excessively in ‘resentment’, ‘historicism’ and counting the number of people of one’s ethnic group killed on the ‘slaughter-bench of history’… The logic of the politics of hatred in Ethiopia is such that ‘resentment’ and ‘historicism’ feed each other, resulting in a vicious cycle of social conflict.”
Context matters. How is this considered “hardly [a] resentment.” Koki’s reading is correct.
Aida…I have cut and paste from AlemayehU’s article: “We Ethiopians indulge excessively in “ressentiment”, “historicism”, and counting the number of people of one’s ethnic group killed on the “slaughter-bench of history”. As a result of which, we suffer a great deal. The logic of the politics of hatred in Ethiopia is such that “ressentiment” and “historicism” feed each other, resulting in a vicious cycle of social conflict”. Ressentiment is not resentment as Koki interprets and now you. This is an important distinction we need to make in order to 1. Understand what Alemayehu is referring to and 2. To offer criticism that is…plain and simple accurate. In my opinion both Koki and Alemayehu agree on the basics but diverge on some details. To really understand their divergence and hence personally benefit from this discussion, it is important to Pay attention to details. In this case it is imperative to know the difference between an abstraction and an idea, the difference between ressentiment and resentment.
Mel, I agree there is a conceptual distinction between “ressentiment” and “resentment” in the way anthropologists/philosophers and psychologists use it. For the average reader of Ethiopia Observer (Alemayeu’s target), the distinction is a distinction without a difference.
But as I said before context matters. As a very learned student of philosophy and psychology (from her recent post), I am inclined to think that she is aware of the distinction between “ressentiment” and “resentment”
Araya’s article is all about the looming danger with Abiy’s reform that risks Rwanda type genocide and his talk about the “slaughter-bench of history” and warning of the risk of disintegration cannot be ignored in the interest of giving the benefit of the doubt. Also, some of us who know Alemayehu from his tweets and short and long articles, Koki’s reading and presentation of his article seems to be right on target.
Actually, I never read Alemayehu’s piece but what has been written by him can easily be understood as was narrated here by the writer of this article-Koki Abesolome. As for me, both of you have facts that brought you to this conclusion ‘The Rwandan Card: Voice of Resentment or Thoughtful Falacy”. Having said that, neither of you have convinced me in the way we have to handle the reform that has come after which many have lost lives. To the best of my understanding, Abiy has been trying to bring peace although he hasn’t achieved so far and couldn’t save Ethiopia as many claimed. Why is peace not achieved? It’s not because he is misfit, I would rather argue the approach he tries to bring has to have a problem. In a Front like party such as EPRDF in which different ethnic groups formed it on the basis of ethnicity, there will be obstructionists when one of the parties splits away or one of them believes the party line has been violated. Again, the way forgiveness has been made to all is under question and subject to discussion. While rule of is being violated and and many lives have been lost, you cannot forgive people still perpetrating crimes against humanity. The youth who died yesterday were not ere not to bring Abiy to Arat kilo palace, throne. You can’t achieve anything being ambitious, preaching peace song day in day out.